Lebanon’s pursuit of an agreement with Israel, despite the fierce objections of Hezbollah and the ambivalence of Amal, is best understood not as appeasement but as a calculated bid for strategic autonomy. The government of President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam—the first administration since 1992 to take office without Hezbollah’s implicit blessing—has concluded that the Lebanese state cannot recover sovereignty while a non-state actor monopolizes the decision of war and peace. The opportunity is structural. Hezbollah’s role within Iran’s regional architecture has itself changed: from an autonomous strategic deterrent capable of independent action, it was downgraded to a support front, coordinating fire alongside direct Iranian missile strikes rather than acting as the primary shock absorber for Israeli retaliation. The strategic case for its heavy weapons has weakened accordingly. The February 2026 Israeli-American strikes on Iran and the wider regional conflict left the...
As a tense and conditional pause settles over the Israel-Iran front, the Israeli press this week framed the moment less as relief than as a strategic dilemma: a ceasefire Jerusalem neither fully trusts nor formally acknowledges, shadowed by an unresolved war in Lebanon and a renewed reminder that Yemen remains in play. The dominant Israeli narrative centers on restraint imposed from Washington. An Israeli official bemoaned the US demand that Jerusalem show restraint against Iran, noting that Trump himself had not held back  — a framing that captures a widely felt frustration in Israeli coverage. Reporting indicated that Israel was preparing a significant strike on Tehran on Monday when Trump phoned Netanyahu and told him to hold off, an intervention that appeared to work . Netanyahu said Israel had halted attacks on Iran but stopped short of acknowledging a ceasefire  — a deliberate ambiguity Israeli outlets read as preserving freedom of action. That ambiguity is sharpened by Israel...