Caucasus Media Under Strain: Georgian Outlets Stage Blackout as Azerbaijani Journalists Detail Prison Conditions
Twenty-one Georgian online media outlets temporarily went dark on Wednesday, 13 August, in a coordinated protest over what they describe as a rapid deterioration in press freedom. From 13:30 to 16:00, popular sites including Batumelebi, Netgazeti, Publika, and other national and regional outlets went offline, returning with messages promoting a joint campaign titled “The Lights Must Stay On” and appeals for local donations to a shared fund supporting independent media.
According to the report by Salome Khvedelidze in the OC Media, the action aimed to rebut government claims that independent journalists are “foreign agents” by relying on domestic crowdfunding and explicitly requesting that foreign nationals refrain from donating.
OC Media joined the effort in a support capacity as the 22nd outlet and contributed $5,000 to the common fund, stating it would not receive any of the proceeds. “Ever since Georgian Dream began its rapid slide towards authoritarianism, we’ve seen the media stand together in solidarity,” OC Media co‑founder Mariam Nikuradze said in campaign materials, citing earlier moments of unity after police violence against reporters and the arrest of journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli. “Now, with Georgian Dream’s adoption of repressive legislation aimed at silencing us, the media once again stands together to survive.”
Organisers said the campaign’s local-donor focus was designed to undercut any pretext for applying Georgia’s recently adopted “foreign agents” legislation—described by the government as akin to the US FARA law—to critical outlets. Passed in April 2025, the law allows penalties of up to five years’ imprisonment and fines of up to ₾10,000 ($3,600) for noncompliance. Parliament has also tightened rules on foreign grants to domestic NGOs and media, restricted filming inside and directly outside court buildings, limited media access to parliamentary proceedings since 2023, and introduced new “coverage standards” for TV stations. During mass protests over the government’s EU policy shift in December 2024, journalists reported repeated assaults by masked groups and law enforcement as well as obstruction by authorities; no perpetrators have been held accountable. Reporters have also been fined while covering demonstrations, including Nikuradze, who said she received four penalties for “blocking the road.” In August, Amaghlobeli was sentenced to two years in prison after slapping Batumi’s police chief during a heated exchange, a move widely viewed by colleagues as politically motivated.
Hunger Strike in Azerbaijan
The Georgian media action resonated across the region as detained journalists in neighbouring Azerbaijan released letters detailing conditions during a parallel protest: a hunger strike in support of Abzas Media director Ulvi Hasanli. Hasanli began his strike on 20 July, demanding a transfer from Umbaki Prison on Baku’s outskirts to a central pre-trial facility. Two days later, Abzas Media editor-in-chief Sevinj Abbasova and journalists Elnara Gasimova and Nargiz Absalamova joined the strike from prison. The three ended their protest on 28 July, citing family health concerns, while Hasanli concluded his on 5 August.
In letters published by Abzas Media, Abbasova described a stifling environment with poor sanitation and limited access to water. She wrote of a cell without a shower where women “were forced to wash themselves on their knees,” slow-running taps in peak summer heat, and a single window for ventilation. She said that cold water access was reduced from two hours to 40 minutes per day, and hot water was cut entirely, leaving hundreds of prisoners struggling with dehydration and thirst. Phone access was reportedly curtailed after Gasimova attempted to inform her family about the hunger strike, and exercise yard time was delayed or denied, she added.
Gasimova’s letter described a two-person cell with inadequate air circulation, a missing light fixture and TV equipment, and repeated searches by prison officials who allegedly suggested the hunger strikers were being secretly fed. A prison doctor later told her that her blood sugar had dropped significantly and offered intravenous therapy, which she refused; both journalists said they filed paperwork to end their strike on 28 July.
While the contexts differ, the episodes point to a broader pattern of mounting pressure on independent media in the South Caucasus—through legal constraints, administrative hurdles, and, in some cases, physical intimidation and carceral conditions. In Georgia, newsrooms are seeking to channel public support into a financial lifeline while shielding themselves from allegations of being a “foreign agent.” In Azerbaijan, imprisoned reporters describe daily obstacles that complicate their work and protest actions alike. For the region’s embattled media, the immediate demands range from safer reporting conditions and due process to the basic ability to keep the lights—and their websites—on.
Photo generate by the Gemini AI.