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Turkey Navigates Complex Web of Syrian Kurdish Integration, Writes Experienced Turkish Diplomat

Turkey finds itself at a critical juncture as ongoing negotiations over the integration of Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into Syria's national army raise questions about Ankara's strategic calculations and the future of Kurdish armed groups in the region.

Writing for T24, veteran Turkish diplomat Ömer Önhon analyzed the interconnected developments shaping Turkey's approach to the Syrian Kurdish question. "Despite top-level Turkish officials stating that YPG/SDF poses a threat to Turkey's national security, there has always been an ambiguity," Önhon wrote. He attributed this ambiguity to Turkey calibrating its position based on domestic political developments and cross-border events, as well as differing viewpoints within the ruling party, its coalition partner, and state structures, combined with significant public concerns about the ongoing process.

The complexity of the situation became evident following Syrian leader Ahmed al-Sharaa's Washington visit and subsequent statements from senior PYD official Salih Muslim, who suggested that Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan's presence at the meetings indicated Turkey's acceptance of the March 10 agreement between Damascus and SDF commander Mazlum Abdi.

According to emerging reports, the tentative framework for military integration would see YPG/SDF forces incorporated into the Syrian army as one or two divisions and two brigades while maintaining their existing formations. These units would be stationed in northern and northeastern Syria—territories currently under SDF control. Additionally, some YPG/SDF personnel would assume positions within Syria's Defense Ministry command structure.

Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani confirmed these arrangements in an interview with Al Majalla on November 18. However, Mazlum Abdi emphasized in a November 23 interview with Mezopotamya Agency that military integration cannot be finalized without broader agreements on administrative structures and constitutional provisions.

The United States remains a decisive factor in these developments. US Special Envoy for Syria Ambassador Tom Barrack recently outlined Washington's vision, stating that "the next phase of the US-Turkey-Syria framework" involves integrating the SDF into Syria's new economic, defense, and civilian structures, redefining Turkey-Syria-Israel relations, and advancing coordination supporting the Israel-Hamas ceasefire.

The Kurdish political landscape has also witnessed unprecedented unity. Previously fractious Kurdish factions—from Barzani's KDP to SDF, from Turkey's DEM Party to the Syrian Kurdish National Council—have participated in joint meetings and consultations. The Kurdish National Conference held in Qamishli on April 26 and the Middle East Peace and Security Forum in Dohuk on November 18 reflected shared demands for democratic federalism, constituent peoples' rights, and autonomous governance within new, inclusive constitutional frameworks.

A recent Reuters report indicating Turkey's negotiations regarding approximately 8,000 PKK members leaving northern Iraq adds another dimension to these regional calculations.

As Ambassador Barrack praised the Ottoman-era millet system and advocated for decentralized governance in Syria, Turkey's redlines remain to be tested. Time will reveal where Ankara ultimately draws its boundaries of acceptance and objection.

About the Author

Ömer Önhon is a retired Turkish career diplomat who served as Turkey's Ambassador to Syria (2009-2012) and later as Ambassador to Saudi Arabia. He is recognized as an authority on Middle Eastern affairs and regularly contributes analysis on regional developments to Turkish media outlets.