By Dr. Mostafa El Feki
I possess a deep passion for the history of the Ottoman State and its impact on the Arab and Islamic worlds. I have read extensively on this subject until I formed a realistic conception of the history of that great empire which ruled the Islamic East for several centuries. I discovered that the House of Osman was characterized at times by cruelty and severity, and at other times by openness and magnanimity, depending on the constitution of the Sultan residing in his palace in the Sublime Porte. These rulers often killed their own brothers or exiled them far away to prevent any claim to the throne or competition for power.
To this day, Ottoman vestiges still stud the skylines of numerous Arab and Islamic nations, as well as within Turkey itself. The palaces and mosques of the Sultans stand as witnesses to years of bygone glory and long rule. Yet, when "Ataturkism" emerged and the Ottoman Caliphate fell, Turkey looked out upon us from its new capital, Ankara, in different garb—a dress unlike what we were accustomed to. Everything began to revolve around the Turkish Republic.
The matter did not stop there; Ataturk orchestrated a massive coup within the cultural and social heritage of Turkey—this Eurasian nation where a vast number of citizens adhere to Sunni Islam. The Fez (tarboosh), the traditional Ottoman headgear, vanished; the alphabet was converted to Latin script; and the traditional manifestations of the Ottoman State diminished. This was particularly driven by Ataturk and his comrades rallying around a secular vision for the modern state, denouncing many aspects of the Caliphate, which receded and then collapsed. Turkey remained, living on the ruins of those immortal symbols of an Ottoman State that had been powerful for centuries before eroding due to the passage of time and the traditional collapse inherent to empires.
In recent years, we have observed that with the arrival of Recep Tayyip Erdogan to the seat of power—first as Prime Minister and then as President—old dreams have begun to haunt him. The influence of the lost empire’s long history has become an obsession affecting the new rulers, and perhaps even the culture of the Turkish people as a whole. This is a people distributed between Asia and Europe, overlooking both warm and closed seas simultaneously, who still aspire to a European role within the Union they dream of joining.
However, such membership will not be realized, not merely for political reasons, but due to cultural factors and differences in national character between the Turks and other European nations. We must not forget that Turkey is a significant state within NATO and an influential state within the international Islamic community. It maintains distinct relations with Israel, driven by a Turkish sense of uniqueness and a desire for distinction. It is also an ally of the United States; indeed, personal chemistry and heightened interaction played a role in relations between Washington and Ankara, particularly during the term of U.S. President Donald Trump.
One is often astonished to observe the degree of balance in Turkish foreign policy, and its ability to combine contradictions and marshal its cards against all parties. At a time when commercial and military relations exist between Ankara and Tel Aviv, we are surprised by the growing relations between the two countries in various aspects, yet this does not prevent Erdogan from directing the harshest criticisms and severest terms at the generals of Tel Aviv and the leaders of the Hebrew state.
He plays a game of balance between these various powers, utilizing every card he holds and every alliance he seeks to forge. For many years, I have personally predicted that the era of "total alliances" would cease to exist. We are now facing what can be termed "incomplete alliances," where two countries, A and B, may differ on specific issues while each respects the other's right to differ, allowing relative consensus to proceed between them without acute problems or decisive ruptures.
Therefore, Turkey places multiple issues on its agenda, such as the Kurdish presence within its political and social makeup, as well as occasional differences with Greece and Cyprus. The Turkish state inherited a great deal of the Ottoman State’s problems in the Balkans and continues to suffer their effects to this day.
Let us contemplate the astute political player, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who wears the Atlantic hat at times, only to remove it and don the turban of the House of Osman at others. He may then leave both aside to devote himself to the problems approaching his country from the borders with Syria and its repercussions in the region, in addition to his constant interest in the Eastern Mediterranean and its various conflicts—starting from Libya, passing through Cyprus and Greece, and reaching the edges of the Black Sea. It is political prowess and remarkable cunning!
* This article was first published on December 2 in Al Ahram and translated to English by The Levant Files for its readers.